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These Vibrant, Bigger-Than-Life Portraits Turn Gun Death Statistics Into Indelible Stories

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Christine Spolar
Wed, 10 Jul 2024 09:00:00 +0000

PHILADELPHIA — Zarinah Lomax is an uncommon documentarian of our times. She has designed dresses from yellow crime-scene tape and styled jackets with hand-painted demands like “Don't Shoot” in purple, black, and gold script. Every few months, she hauls dozens of portraits of Philadelphians — vibrant, bold, bigger-than-life faces — to pop-up galleries to raise an alarm about gun violence in her hometown and America.

In a storage unit, Lomax has a thousand canvasses, she estimates, mostly of young people who died from gunfire, and others of the mothers, sisters, friends, and mourners left to ask why.

“The purpose is not to make people cry,” said Lomax, a Philadelphia native who has traveled to New York, Atlanta, and Miami to collaborate on similar exhibitions on trauma. “It is for families and for people who have gone through this to know that they are not forgotten.”

Each person “is not a number. This is somebody's child. Somebody's son, somebody's daughter who was working toward something,” she said. “The portraits are not just portraits. They are telling us what the consequences are for what's happening in our cities.”

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Firearms in 2020 became the No. 1 cause of death for children and teens under 18 — from both suicides and assaults — and fresh research on the public crisis from Harvard Medical School's Blavatnik Institute show how those losses ripple through families and neighborhoods with significant economic and psychological costs.

On June 25, U.S. Surgeon General Vivek Murthy declared gun violence a public health crisis, noting: “Every day that passes we lose more kids to gun violence. The more children who are witnessing episodes of gun violence, the more children who are shot and survive that are dealing with a lifetime of physical and mental health impacts.”

Philadelphia has recorded more than 9,000 fatal and nonfatal shootings since 2020, with about 80% of the victims identified as Black, according to the city controller. Among those injured or dead, about 60% were age 30 or younger.

Lomax has been a singular, and perhaps unlikely, force in making the statistics unforgettable. Since 2018, when a young friend poised to graduate from Penn State University was shot to death on a Sunday afternoon in Philadelphia, Lomax has set out to support healing among those who experience violence.

She launched a show on PhillyCAM, a community access media channel, to encourage people to talk about guns and opioids and grief. She organized fashion shows with local artists and families that focused on bearing witness to distress. She seized on portraiture, reaching out to local artists to memorialize the lives, not the deaths, of Philadelphia's young. She began tracking shootings on social media, in accounts, and sometimes by word of mouth. In 2022, City Hall opened three floors to a remarkable exhibition of lost lives, organized by Lomax and created by dozens of artists.

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She recently shared the portraits at a summit sponsored by the nonprofit Brady: United Against Gun Violence and CeaseFirePA. The meeting offered guidance on enforcing regulations to prevent straw gun purchases that propel crime and provided data on weapon trafficking across state lines. Lomax knew the art, displayed along the stage, brought home the stakes.

Look at these faces, she said. These people had promise. What happened? What can be done?

Lomax, now 40, said the conversations she starts have purpose. Some paintings she gives to families. Others she stores for future exhibits.

“This is not what I set out to do in life,” she said. “When I was growing up, I thought I'd be a nurse. But I guess I am kind of nursing people this way.”

So far this year, Philadelphia has seen a drop in the number of murders, according to an online database by AH Datalytics, but ranks among the top five cities in murder count. Last year, the Harvard researchers established that communities and families are left vulnerable by gun injuries.

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The 2023 study led by Zirui Song, an associate professor of health care policy at Harvard Medical School, examined data related to newborns through age 19. The research documented a “massive” economic toll, with health care spending increasing by an average of $35,000 for survivors in the year after a shooting, and life-altering mental health challenges.

Survivors of shootings and their caregivers, whether dealing with physical injuries or generalized fear, often struggle with “long-lasting, invisible injuries, including psychological and substance-use disorders,” according to Song, who is also a general internist at Massachusetts General Hospital. His study found that parents of injured children experienced a 30% increase in psychiatric disorders compared with parents whose children did not sustain gunshot injuries.

Desiree Norwood, who paints with acrylics, has been helping Lomax since 2021. Like all the artists, she's paid by Lomax. She has completed about 30 portraits, always after sitting down with the subject's family. “I get a backstory so I can incorporate that in the portrait,” she said. “Sometimes we cry. Sometimes we pray. Sometimes we try to uplift each other. It is hard to do.”

“I hope one day I would not have to paint another portrait,” said Norwood, a mother of five children. “The idea that Zarinah has had so many exhibits, with numerous people who have died, is scary and heartbreaking.”

Mike Doughty, a self-taught digital artist, was among those who wanted to help to “honor and to offer a better look at who these people were.” Doughty, a city employee who works at a courthouse, may be best known within Philadelphia for a series of fanciful murals in which he has grouped famous natives such as Will Smith, Grace Kelly, and Kevin Hart.

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He has produced about 150 portraits on his iPad and laptop, working with Lomax's nonprofit group, The Apologues, to best match a face with a phrase, embedded in the scene, that telegraphs the lost potential of youth.

“At the beginning it was hard to do,” said Doughty, who works from family photographs. “I look and I think: They are kids. Just kids.”

One time, he received a text from Lomax seeking a portrait of a rapper he recognized from art and music shows. Another day, he opened an email to find a photo of a man he knew from high school. In May, Doughty shared on Instagram his work process for a portrait of Derrick Gant, a rapper with the stage name Phat Geez, who was gunned down in March. The killing happened a few weeks after the rapper released “No Gunzone,” a music referring to an Instagram account that promotes anti-violence efforts in the city.

Doughty, 33, who grew up in the Nicetown section of north Philadelphia, wryly noted: “It wasn't so nice.” Lomax's exhibitions, he said, allow families, even neighborhoods, to sort through sorrow and pain.

“I went to the last one and a mother came up and said, ‘Did you draw my child's portrait?' She just fell into my arms, crying. It was such a moment,” he said. “And a reminder on why we do what we do.”

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By: Christine Spolar
Title: These Vibrant, Bigger-Than-Life Portraits Turn Gun Death Statistics Into Indelible Stories
Sourced From: kffhealthnews.org/news/article/gun-violence-victims-commemoration-paintings-portraits-larger-than-life/
Published Date: Wed, 10 Jul 2024 09:00:00 +0000

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Kaiser Health News

KFF Health News’ ‘What the Health?’: GOP Platform Muddies Abortion Waters

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Thu, 11 Jul 2024 20:00:00 +0000

The Host

Julie Rovner
KFF


@jrovner


Read Julie's stories.

Julie Rovner is chief Washington correspondent and host of KFF ' weekly health policy news , “What the Health?” A noted expert on health policy issues, Julie is the author of the critically praised reference book “Health Care Politics and Policy A to Z,” now in its third edition.

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Republicans released a draft party platform in advance of the GOP national convention next week, and while it is being described as softening the party's stance opposing abortion, support from major groups that oppose abortion suggests that claim may be something of a mirage.

Meanwhile, the Federal Trade Commission is taking on the pharmacy benefits management industry as it prepares to file suit charging that the largest PBMs engage in anticompetitive behavior that raises patients' drug costs.

This week's panelists are Julie Rovner of KFF Health News, Jessie Hellmann of CQ Roll Call, Shefali Luthra of The 19th News, and Sandhya Raman of CQ Roll Call.

Panelists

Jessie Hellmann
CQ Roll Call


@jessiehellmann

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Read Jessie's stories.

Shefali Luthra
The 19th


@shefalil


Read Shefali's stories.

Sandhya Raman
CQ Roll Call

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@SandhyaWrites


Read Sandhya's stories.

Among the takeaways from this week's episode:

  • For the first time in decades, the GOP presidential platform will not include a call for a national abortion ban. But Republicans are hardly soft-pedaling the issue: The new platform effectively asserts that abortion violates the 14th Amendment, which guarantees equal protection under the law for all citizens — including, under their reading, human embryos. Under that argument, abortion opponents may already have the constitutional justification they need to defend in court further restrictions on the procedure.
  • Lawmakers in Washington are making early progress on government spending bills, including for the Department of Health and Human Services. Some political issues, like access to gender-affirming care for service members and minors, are creating wrinkles. Congress will likely need to pass a stopgap spending measure to avoid a government shutdown this fall.
  • And a new report from the Federal Trade Commission illuminates the sweeping control of a handful of pharmacy benefits managers over most of the nation's prescription drugs. As the government eyes lawsuits against some of the major PBMs alleging anticompetitive behavior, the findings bolster the case that PBMs are inflating drug prices.

Also this week, Rovner interviews Jennifer Klein, director of the White House Gender Policy Council, about the Biden administration's policies to ensure access to reproductive health care.

Plus, for “extra credit” the panelists suggest health policy stories they read this week that they think you should read, too:

Julie Rovner: STAT News' “Troubled For-Profit Chains Are Stealthily Operating Dozens of Psychiatric Hospitals Under Nonprofits' Names,” by Tara Bannow.

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Jessie Hellmann: North Carolina Health News' “N.C. House Wants to Spend Opioid Money on Multiple Abstinence-Based Recovery Centers, While Experts Stress Access to Medication,” by Grace Vitaglione.

Shefali Luthra: The Washington Post's “These GOP Women Begged the Party to Abandon Abortion. Then Came Backlash,” by Caroline Kitchener.

Sandhya Raman: Roll Call's “For at Least One Abortion Clinic, Dobbs Eased Stressors,” by Sandhya Raman.

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Emmarie Huetteman
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To hear all our click here.

And subscribe to KFF Health News' “What the Health?” on SpotifyApple PodcastsPocket Casts, or wherever you listen to podcasts.

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Title: KFF Health News' ‘What the Health?': GOP Platform Muddies Abortion Waters
Sourced From: kffhealthnews.org/news/podcast/what-the-health-355-gop-platform-abortion-gender-july-11-2024/
Published Date: Thu, 11 Jul 2024 20:00:00 +0000

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Colorado Dropped Medicaid Enrollees as Red States Have, Alarming Advocates for the Poor

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Rae Ellen Bichell
Thu, 11 Jul 2024 09:00:00 +0000

Colorado stands out among the 10 states that have disenrolled the highest share of Medicaid beneficiaries since the U.S. government lifted a pandemic-era restriction on removing people from the insurance program.

It's the only blue state in a cluster of red states with high disenrollment rates — a group that includes Idaho, Montana, Texas, and Utah — in the Medicaid “unwinding” underway since spring 2023.

Colorado also is the only state that had all the policy ingredients in place to cushion the fallout from the unwinding, according to Medicaid policy analysts at KFF.

But it seems the cushion hasn't been deployed.

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“There's really a divide in Colorado between our progressive policies and our underfunded and fragmented administration,” said Bethany Pray, chief legal and policy officer at the Colorado Center on Law and Policy, a Denver-based legal aid group.

According to KFF data, during the unwinding Colorado has seen a bigger net drop in enrollment in Medicaid and the Children's Health Insurance Program than any state except Utah.

Advocates for health care access, researchers, and county administrators — the administrators handling the bulk of the Medicaid redeterminations in Colorado — say that the major issues involve outdated technology and low rates of automatic renewals. Both create obstacles to enrollment that undercut the state's progressive policies.

State officials have a rosier view. They say the drop in enrollment is a sign that they did a good job enrolling people at the height of the covid-19 pandemic. Secondly, they say Colorado's economy is doing well, so more people can get insurance through their jobs.

“When we have a really stellar unemployment rate, not as many people need safety-net programs, and we're proud of that. Our people are rising and thriving,” said Kim Bimestefer, who leads the Department of Health Care Policy and Financing and is the state's top Medicaid official. Her department has also said that some people choose not to fill out their eligibility paperwork because they know their incomes are too high to qualify.

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Bureau of Labor Statistics data shows that while it's true Colorado's unemployment rate is lower than the nation's as a whole, it's higher than it was before the pandemic.

State officials say they believe Medicaid enrollments dropped because many of those people found jobs, as reflected by the lower unemployment rates. But that scenario happened in fewer than half of the state's counties, a KFF Health analysis found. Notably, in 11 counties where unemployment stagnated or increased from January 2020 to April 2024, the share of the population covered by Medicaid shrank. A low unemployment rate does not necessarily mean there is less of a need for Medicaid coverage, because many employed people earn wages low enough to still qualify for the program.

Colorado increased enrollment in Medicaid and the related Children's Health Insurance Program by 35% during the covid public health emergency, compared with about 30% nationally and among Medicaid expansion states.

“We grew more, which means, logically, we're going to disenroll more,” said Bimestefer.“We went up higher, we're going to come down lower, because our economy is stellar.”

Her department's website initially claimed Colorado's Medicaid enrollment grew more than any other Medicaid expansion state except Hawaii. But data from the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services shows pandemic enrollment growth in other states, including Indiana, North Dakota, Virginia, and Nevada, also exceeded that of Colorado.

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Even if it had grown the most, the argument that what comes up must come down doesn't hold water, Medicaid policy analysts said.

“A counterargument to that is we know that there was never a full participation in Medicaid prior to the pandemic,” said Jennifer Tolbert, deputy director of the KFF Program on Medicaid and the Uninsured.

Tolbert said she was surprised by the extent of Colorado's Medicaid enrollment losses, given it was the one state in the nation that met all the criteria that KFF expected would cushion the effects of the unwinding. Those policies include adopting the Affordable Care Act's Medicaid expansion and the automatic processing of renewals.

Tolbert was among several policy researchers who said that even if unemployment returned to pre-pandemic levels, they would expect a higher, not lower, share of Coloradans to be enrolled in safety-net coverage.

Ally Sullivan, a spokesperson for Gov. Jared Polis, a Democrat, said one complicating factor in Colorado's system is that it's among the handful of states where most of the eligibility verification work falls on counties, “which added complexity to the state's unwind process.”

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“Colorado is committed to ensuring that Coloradans who no longer qualify for Medicaid coverage are connected to other affordable sources of coverage as soon as possible, and the state is going to great lengths to do so,” the statement said.

Minnesota is another state where verifying eligibility is largely left to the counties. Yet it disenrolled just 26% of its Medicaid population in the unwinding, compared with Colorado's 48%. Like Colorado, Minnesota is led by a Democratic governor. Minnesota also mirrors Colorado in its population, pandemic-era increase in enrollment, the percentage of its residents living in prosperous areas, and its better-than-national unemployment rate. But Bimestefer dismissed any comparison.

“I don't care about Minnesota,” Bimestefer said. “This is Colorado. I don't care what Minnesota did.”

Advocates for health care access and researchers said a cluster of technological and administrative issues have contributed to Colorado's high disenrollment rate.

First, Colorado's eligibility database, the Colorado Benefits Management System, is outdated and clunky, according to people who use it or are familiar with systems in other states.

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“It's like still using the old flip phone where you're trying to play Snake,” said Sarah Grusin, an attorney at the National Health Law Program. “We have better stuff.”

Grusin and Pray's organizations filed a civil rights complaint with several federal agencies saying that the system issues that terminated disabled Coloradans' coverage amounted to discrimination.

“It took many months to fix something that doesn't sound that complicated,” Pray said.

Bimestefer said her department is working on a plan to improve the system, which is managed by Deloitte under a $354.4 million contract that lasts until 2027. A recent KFF Health News investigation of eligibility systems managed by Deloitte found widespread problems. In Colorado, a state-commissioned audit in 2020 found that many Medicaid beneficiaries were sent incorrect notices and deadlines.

Kenneth Smith, a Deloitte executive who leads its national human services division, said that Deloitte is one player among many who together administer Medicaid benefits, and that the states own the technology and make the decisions about their implementation.

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Colorado's technology woes have also weakened its ability to use a powerful tool in enrollment: automatic renewal.

Last fall, Bimestefer said, her agency had to choose between fixing the system so that it would stop disenrolling children who shouldn't lose coverage, or start automatically renewing people with no income or with income below the federal poverty level. It couldn't do both, she said.

Experts such as Tricia Brooks, a research professor with the Center for Children and Families at Georgetown University, said it's especially important to increase automatic renewals in states like Colorado where most of the renewal work falls on county government staff.

“What happens when you're not getting a high rate of automated renewals? You're sending out those renewal forms,” Brooks said — meaning more disenrollments. “They didn't get the mail. The notice was confusing. They tried to get help through the call center. The list goes on as to why people don't renew.”

Indeed, two-thirds of disenrolled Coloradans lost coverage for procedural reasons. That's in line with the national average, according to KFF. But paired with Colorado having disenrolled so many people overall, that means more than 500,000 Coloradans, or about 9% of the state's people, were disenrolled for procedural reasons — more than the population of its second-largest city, Colorado Springs.

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At least a third of those disenrolled were later determined to be eligible for Medicaid.

Officials at Colorado community health centers and mental health centers say they're seeing a rise in uninsured patients coming through their doors — a sign, they say, that Coloradans dropped from Medicaid aren't necessarily moving on to greener health insurance pastures.

Fifty-eight percent of those who were disenrolled have returned to Medicaid, or now have another form of insurance. But the state doesn't yet know what happened to the remaining 42% of people who were dropped and said it would conduct a survey to find out.

——————————
By: Rae Ellen Bichell
Title: Colorado Dropped Medicaid Enrollees as Red States Have, Alarming Advocates for the Poor
Sourced From: kffhealthnews.org/news/article/colorado-medicaid-unwinding-blue-red-states/
Published Date: Thu, 11 Jul 2024 09:00:00 +0000

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‘A Bottomless Pit’: How Out-of-Pocket TMJ Costs Drive Patients Into Debt

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Brett Kelman and Anna Werner, CBS
Thu, 11 Jul 2024 11:31:00 +0000

Over three decades of relentless pain, Jonna Tallant has tried about every TMJ treatment: mouthguards, six sets of braces, dental crowns and appliances, drugs, physical therapy, Botox, massage, acupuncture, chiropractic care, and surgery.

Nothing has helped. Tallant, 51, of Knoxville, Tennessee, said she lives in agony and cannot eat any food that must be chewed. Despite spending a small fortune on treatment, she can barely open her mouth enough to squeeze in a toothbrush.

Tallant estimates she has paid at least $200,000 for TMJ care. She provided medical records showing more than $60,000 in out-of-pocket spending in just the past decade. She has exhausted her savings and borrowed money, she said, and her family sold a plot of land to help pay the bills.

Tallant will need another jaw surgery later this year, which could cost as much as $75,000. Her insurance is unlikely to pay for any of it, she said.

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“It's a bottomless pit,” Tallant said, choking up, as she leafed through a pile of medical records splayed on her dining table. “It has consumed so much of my life that there is not much left.”

Temporomandibular joint disorders, known as TMJ or TMD, cause pain and stiffness in the face and jaw and are believed to afflict as many as 33 million Americans. Scientific studies have found that women experience TMJ disorders two to nine times as often as men, and while minor symptoms may not require treatment, severe symptoms can include disabling pain that makes it challenging to eat, work, talk, or sleep.

Despite the commonness of TMJ disorders, treatments are often not covered by medical or dental insurance, leaving patients with out-of-pocket bills that can range from a few hundred dollars to tens of thousands of dollars. Many medical insurers consider TMJ treatment too dental-focused for medical insurance, while dental insurers consider it too medical for dental insurance, leaving patients stuck in a “medical-dental divide” that hinders care and increases cost, according to the National Academies of Science, Engineering, and Medicine.

Worse still, researchers warn that the meager insurance coverage available for TMJ often excludes the safest forms of care while steering patients toward surgery — a riskier and irreversible option that the National Institutes of recommends “staying away” from.

Terrie Cowley, a longtime TMJ patient who leads the TMJ Association, an advocacy group, has spoken with patients who refinanced their homes and cashed out retirement accounts to afford the out-of-pocket costs for their care.

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“It bankrupts them,” Cowley said. “But it isn't nearly as horrible as when the treatments go wrong.”

Insurance woes are just one facet of the problems with TMJ care in the United States. In April, a joint investigation by KFF Health News and CBS News found that TMJ disorders have been widely misunderstood by many dentists for decades, so some patients fall into a spiral of ineffective care and futile surgeries that do more harm than good. Dentistry has tried to correct course in recent years with the promising new specialty of orofacial pain, which treats TMJ disorders with a more conservative approach, but these specialists are few and rarely covered by insurance, so their services remain beyond the reach of many patients.

Tony Schwartz, president of the American Board of Orofacial Pain, said the specialty is still fighting for widespread acceptance from insurance companies and some dentists, who cling to “old, debunked theories” that TMJ disorders are caused by misaligned teeth or a bad bite.

“This is the basis for why insurance companies have been so reluctant to, over the years, pay for any treatment,” Schwartz said. “Because there has been so much controversy about what works and what doesn't work.”

For this article, KFF and CBS News interviewed 10 patients with severe TMJ disorders who have been in treatment for years, if not decades. Almost all the patients described spending thousands of dollars out-of-pocket at every stage of their care, usually because treatment fell outside their medical and dental insurance coverage. Some patients said their medical bills mounted just as debilitating pain forced them to leave jobs or abandon careers. Some underwent expensive TMJ surgeries offered by only a small group of surgeons who generally do not accept insurance.

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Kyra Wiedenkeller, 45, of New York state, said she worked as a manager in the music industry, including on “American Idol,” before her “unrelenting pain” became too great.

Wiedenkeller, who is now on disability, said she's spent at least $100,000 out-of-pocket on TMJ treatment and provided medical documents showing she had been billed for at least that much.

“Every doctor I've seen has made me progressively worse,” Wiedenkeller said. “I paid an exorbitant amount of money. I wiped out my 401(k) for these treatments in hopes of getting better time and time again. And just get worse and worse. I feel like there is no end.”

Wiedenkeller's story echoes findings of the national academies, which conducted a comprehensive study of TMJ in 2020 that included input from more than 110 patients. The study found that TMJ patients are “often harmed” during “overly aggressive” treatment, which frequently falls into a chasm between medical and dental insurance, leaving most bills paid out-of-pocket at costs of up to tens of thousands of dollars.

As an example, the study describes how dental splints — a common TMJ treatment — have been considered to be medical care by some dental insurers and considered dental care by some medical insurance programs, and are “therefore not covered” by either.

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And when TMJ is covered by insurance, it tends to exclude “low-risk, effective treatments,” like those used by orofacial pain specialists, but covers “higher-risk” options, like jaw surgery, according to the national academies study. This leads to patients receiving “the care that is best reimbursed, rather than the care that is best,” the study said.

Other researchers have come to the same conclusion.

James Fricton, an orofacial pain specialist who studies the lack of insurance coverage for TMJ care, said that even though surgery is appropriate for few patients, it is the only treatment covered by most insurance plans in most states.

“Patients will assume that insurance companies know what they're doing,” Fricton said. “If that's all that's covered, what do you think they are going to get? Surgery.”

In contrast, insurance coverage appears to be weakest at the other end of the treatment spectrum.

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“Orofacial pain,” officially recognized by the American Dental Association in 2020, is now taught in residency programs at a dozen U.S. colleges at least, including the universities of Michigan, Minnesota, and North Carolina. The specialty avoids making irreversible changes to the bite or jaw and instead treats TMJ disorders with tools like counseling, dietary changes, medication, physical therapy, and removable dental splints. Many TMJ patients can be treated by orofacial pain specialists for a few thousand dollars.

The national academies study describes this approach as one of the few promising options for TMJ patients, citing studies that showed improvement among patients who are taught how to manage their pain. But the national academies also said it is a “particular challenge” that this treatment is “often not considered reimbursable by insurance.”

In separate interviews, six orofacial pain specialists with clinics around the country said insurance coverage for this specialty care is patchy, poor, or nonexistent. Several said their specialty is often absent from dropdown menus on standard insurance forms. Most said the insurance industry had fallen behind on the evolving science of TMJ, missing a chance to help patients and cut costs.

“It's a no-brainer,” said Jeffrey Okeson, dean of the University of Kentucky's College of Dentistry. “If I was an insurance person, I'd want to supply $1,000 to a patient to do conservative treatment … instead of $15,000 or $30,000 for surgery. Think of the money that can be saved there.”

Okeson and the other orofacial pain specialists said unreliable insurance coverage has hamstrung the specialty by making it less attractive to the next generation of dentists.

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Currently there are fewer than 300 certified orofacial pain specialists in the United States, according to a database maintained by the American Board of Orofacial Pain. At least 20 states have no certified specialists, and eight other states have only one or two.

Deepika Jaiswal, the only certified specialist in Iowa, said some patients with TMJ disorders drive across the state to see her.

However, most of her patients — and many of her fellow dentists — remain unaware of the orofacial pain specialty, Jaiswal said, so insurance companies likely feel little pressure to include it in their coverage.

“People don't even know around the area that we exist,” Jaiswal said. “When there are more providers providing this service, I think at that point there will be more insurance.”

CBS News producer Nicole Keller contributed to this article.

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KFF Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF—an independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about KFF.

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——————————
By: Brett Kelman and Anna Werner, CBS News
Title: ‘A Bottomless Pit': How Out-of-Pocket TMJ Costs Drive Patients Into Debt
Sourced From: kffhealthnews.org/news/article/tmj-disorders-orofacial-pain-specialty-out-of-pocket-costs-medical-debt/
Published Date: Thu, 11 Jul 2024 11:31:00 +0000

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