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Indiana Weighs Hospital Monopoly as Officials Elsewhere Scrutinize Similar Deals

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Samantha Liss
Fri, 14 Jun 2024 09:00:00 +0000

TERRE HAUTE, Ind. — Locals in this city of 58,000 are used to having to wait at railroad crossings for one of the dozens of daily cargo trains to pass through.

But a proposed merger between the two hospitals on either side of the city could exacerbate the problem in emergencies if the hospitals shut down some services, such as trauma care, at one site, which the proposal cites as a possibility. Tom High, fire chief of a nearby township, said some first responders would be forced to transport critical patients farther, risking longer delays, if they become what locals call “railroaded” by a passing train.

That's just one of the fears in this community as Indiana officials review whether to allow Union Hospital, licensed as a 341-bed facility, to purchase the county's only other acute care hospital, the 278-bed Terre Haute Regional Hospital. The proposed deal also raises concerns about reduced tax revenue, worsening care, and higher prices.

Within the next few months, the Indiana Department of must find “clear evidence” that the proposed merger would improve health outcomes, access, and the quality of care. Those benefits must “outweigh any potential disadvantages.”

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As the nation's health care industry has become more concentrated amid a steady clip of mergers in recent decades, it's common for one large system to dominate a market. In this case, the deal would be Indiana's first merger under the COPA law, short for Certificate of Public Advantage, that the state enacted in 2021. Such laws allow deals that the Federal Trade Commission otherwise considers illegal because they reduce competition and often create monopolies. To mitigate the negative effects of a monopoly, the merged hospitals typically agree to conditions imposed by state regulators.

Union Hospital leaders said it's time to move “beyond competition” for the sake of the region, which has struggled to keep jobs and raise life expectancy rates. Hospital spokesperson Neil Garrison said the merger would ultimately improve care, increase access, and cut costs. Leaders of Regional Hospital, which is owned by for-profit chain HCA Healthcare, did not respond to questions about the proposal.

One unusual implication arises, though: If the merger is approved, the surrounding county would lose tax revenue from one of its larger businesses. Union Hospital, which as a nonprofit is exempt from paying taxes, would be acquiring tax-paying Terre Haute Regional, which paid roughly $508,000 in county taxes for 2023, said Vigo County Auditor Jim Bramble. That's the equivalent of the starting salaries of about nine sheriff's deputies, per the county's $83 million 2024 budget.

Garrison said the hospital system is aware of the tax implications for the county and is “exploring opportunities” to address it.

Meanwhile, Roland Kohr, formerly a pathologist at Regional and a county coroner, frets about erasing competition that forced the hospitals to add services or match the other. “The push to introduce new technologies, to recruit more physicians, that may not happen,” he said.

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The FTC has urged states to avoid COPAs, pointing to research that found they “have resulted in significant price increases and contributed to declines in quality of care.” The fallout of similar mergers has triggered federal sanctions in North Carolina and pushback from locals and legislators in Tennessee.

“A merged hospital system that faces little remaining competition after the merger usually has little incentive to follow through with its promises because patients have no other choice,” wrote Chris Garmon, a University of Missouri-Kansas City economist who has studied COPA mergers, in a warning to Indiana health officials about the proposed merger.

Indiana already has among the highest hospital prices in the country, according to a study by the Rand Corp. research organization. The Indiana Legislature spent the past year trying to rein in prices. Gloria Sachdev, CEO of Indianapolis-based Employers' Forum of Indiana, which pushed for those pricing limits on behalf of frustrated business leaders, is worried a Union-Regional merger would undo those gains and raise prices further.

Indiana's COPA restricts how much the hospital could increase charges, Garrison said.

Elsewhere, the largest COPA-created hospital system in the country, Ballad Health, has reported that the time patients spend in its ERs in Virginia and Tennessee before being hospitalized has more than tripled, reaching nearly 11 hours, in the six years since that monopoly of 20 hospitals formed. Still, Tennessee has awarded Ballad top marks even when certain quality metrics, including its ER speed, fall below established benchmarks.

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Ballad Health spokesperson Molly Luton said the system's performance has improved since those statistics were gathered.

Last fall, some Tennesseans unsuccessfully urged a county board to call on the state to better regulate the hospital system. This spring, state lawmakers refused to hear testimony from residents who drove five hours to Nashville to testify for a bill that sought to limit future COPA mergers in the state — which ultimately didn't make it to a full vote.

Problems have also occurred when a COPA — and its oversight — are removed, leaving the merged hospital system as an “unregulated monopoly.” After North Carolina repealed its COPA in 2015, a subsidiary of HCA Healthcare bought Mission Health, a COPA-created monopoly in Asheville, for $1.5 billion in 2019. The monopoly in Asheville remained but none of the COPA's conditions applied to the new owner.

Last year, government inspectors found “deficiencies” at Mission Health that contributed to four patient deaths and posed an “immediate jeopardy” to patients' health and safety, according to the 384-page federal inspection report. North Carolina Attorney General Joshua Stein sued HCA's subsidiary last year, alleging the ER was “significantly degraded,” and that the company failed to maintain certain critical services, including oncology care, a violation of a purchase agreement Stein's office negotiated with it because the company acquired a nonprofit.

HCA said it promptly addressed the issues and denied Stein's allegations in its legal response to the ongoing lawsuit, arguing it has expanded services since its purchase. HCA also argued that the agreement is silent about maintaining the quality of care.

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Back in Indiana, Union Hospital laid the groundwork for its merger more than three years ago when its leaders provided the language for COPA legislation to then-state Sen. Jon Ford, a Republican in Terre Haute, believing he would be “the best champion for this proposal,” according to legislative testimony from Taylor Hollenbeck, an RJL Solutions consultant on the merger. Ford, listed on the legislature's site as the bill's co-author, did not respond to requests for comment.

Union CEO Steve Holman testified in the bill's hearings that the county's public health rankings — with an average life expectancy ranking 68th out of 92 counties in the state — should be a “call to action” to do something “big and bold.”

Terre Haute Mayor Brandon Sakbun agrees the merger could help what he called the county's “abysmal” public health statistics. Last year, he was elected the city's youngest mayor at age 27 on a promise to “turn Terre Haute around.” The region's workforce has steadily declined and local leaders have pinned their hopes on a new casino and a manufacturer of battery parts for electric vehicles to reverse this trend.

Sakbun's father is an OB-GYN at Union, but the mayor said that doesn't color his opinion and that he supports the hospital merger despite the loss of the tax base. He believes it will help recruit medical and other professionals to an area that has struggled to attract top talent.

“Do I believe that this is the one that bucks the research?” Sakbun said. “I truthfully do.”

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KFF correspondent Brett Kelman contributed to this article.

——————————
By: Samantha Liss
Title: Indiana Weighs Hospital Monopoly as Officials Elsewhere Scrutinize Similar Deals
Sourced From: kffhealthnews.org//article/indiana-copa-hospital-monopoly-scrutiny/
Published Date: Fri, 14 Jun 2024 09:00:00 +0000

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Lifesaving Drugs and Police Projects Mark First Use of Opioid Settlement Cash in California

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Aneri Pattani and Don Thompson
Fri, 12 Jul 2024 09:00:00 +0000

SACRAMENTO — Sonja Verdugo lost her husband to an opioid overdose last year. She regularly delivers medical supplies to people using drugs who are living — and dying — on the streets of Los Angeles. And she advocates at Los Angeles City Hall for policies to address addiction and homelessness.

Yet Verdugo didn't know that hundreds of millions of dollars annually are flowing to California communities to combat the opioid crisis, a payout that began in 2022 and continues through 2038.

The money comes from pharmaceutical companies that made, distributed, or sold prescription opioid painkillers and that agreed to pay about $50 billion nationwide to settle lawsuits over their role in the overdose epidemic. Even though a recent Supreme Court decision upended a settlement with OxyContin maker Purdue Pharma, many other companies have already begun paying out and will continue doing so for years.

California, the most populous state, is in line for more than $4 billion.

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“You can walk down the street and you see someone addicted on every corner — I mean it's just everywhere,” Verdugo said. “And I've never even heard of the funds. And to me, that's crazy.”

Across the nation, much of this windfall has been shrouded in secrecy, with many jurisdictions offering little transparency on how they're spending the money, despite repeated queries from people in recovery and families who lost loved ones to addiction.

Meanwhile, there's plenty of jockeying over how the money should be used. Companies are lobbying for spending on products that range from medication bottles that lock to full-body scanners to screen people entering jails. Local officials are often advocating for the fields they represent, whether it's treatment, prevention, or harm reduction. And some governments are using it to plug budget gaps.

In California, local governments must report how they spend settlement funds to the state's Department of Health Care Services, but there's no requirement that the reports be made public.

KFF obtained copies of the documents via a public records request and is now making available for the first time 265 spending reports from local governments for fiscal year 2022-23, the most recent reports filed.

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The reports provide a snapshot of the early spending priorities, and tensions.

Naloxone an Early Winner

As of June 2023, the bulk of opioid settlement funds controlled by California cities and counties — more than $200 million — had yet to be spent, the reports show. It's a theme echoed nationwide as officials take time to deliberate.

The city and county of Los Angeles accounted for nearly one-fifth of that unspent total, nearly $39 million, though officials say that since the report was filed they've begun allocating the money to recovery housing and programs to connect people who are homeless with residential addiction treatment.

Among local governments that did use the cash in the first fiscal year, the most popular object of spending was naloxone, a medication that reverses opioid overdoses and is often known by the brand name Narcan. The medication accounted for more than $2 million in spending across 19 projects.

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One of those projects was in Union City, in the San Francisco Bay Area. The community of about 72,000 residents had five suspected fentanyl overdoses, two of them fatal, within 24 hours in September.

The opioid settlement money “was invaluable,” Corina Hahn, the city's director of community and recreation services, said in her report. “Having these resources available helped educate, train and distribute the Narcan kits to parents, youth and school staff.”

Union City bought 500 kits, each containing two doses of naloxone. The kits cost about $13,500, with an additional $56,000 set aside for similar projects, including backpacks containing Narcan kits and training materials for high school students.

Union City also plans to expand its outreach to homeless people to fund drug education and recovery services, including addiction counseling.

Those are the sorts of lifesaving services that Verdugo, the Los Angeles advocate, said are desperately needed as deaths of people living on the streets pile up.

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She lost her 46-year-old husband, Jesse Baumgartner, in June of last year to an addiction that started after he was prescribed pain medications for a high school wrestling injury. He tried kicking his habit for six years using methadone, but each time prescribers lowered his dosage the cravings drove him back to illicit drugs.

“It was just this horrible roller coaster of him not being able to get off of it,” Verdugo said.

By then the couple had survived 4½ years of being homeless and had been in stable housing for about two years.

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Fentanyl use, particularly among homeless people, “is just rampant,” she said. People sometimes are initially exposed to the cheap, highly addictive substance unknowingly when it is mixed with something else.

“Once they start using it, it's like they just can't backtrack,” said Verdugo, who works as a community organizer for Ground Game LA.

So she leaves boxes of naloxone at homeless encampments in the hope of saving lives.

“They definitely use it, because it's needed right then — they can't wait for an ambulance to come out,” she said.

Cities Backtrack on Spending for Law Enforcement

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By contrast, the cities of Irvine and Riverside, both in Greater Los Angeles, listed plans to prioritize law enforcement by buying portable drug analyzers, though neither city did so in the first fiscal year, 2022-23. Their inclination mirrored patterns elsewhere in the country, with millions in settlement funds flowing to police departments and jails.

But such uses of the money have stirred controversy, and both cities backed away from the drug analyzer purchase after the Department of Care Services issued rules that opioid settlement funds may not be used for certain law enforcement efforts. The rules specifically excluded “equipment for the purpose of evidence gathering for prosecution, such as the TruNarc Handheld Narcotics Analyzer.”

In Hawthorne, also near Los Angeles, the police department had already spent about $25,000 of settlement funds on an initial installment to buy 80 BolaWraps, devices that shoot Kevlar tethers to wrap around a person's limbs or torso.

After the state said BolaWraps were not an allowable expense, the city said it would find other funding sources to pay the remaining installments.

Santa Rosa, in California's wine country, spent nearly $30,000 on police officer wellness and support.

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The funds allowed the police department to boost its contracted wellness coordinator from a part-time to a full-time position, and to buy a mobile machine to measure electrical activity in the brain, said Sgt. Patricia Seffens, a spokesperson.

The goal is to use the technology on police officers to help “assess the traumatic impact of responding to the increasing overdose calls,” Seffens said in an email.

In Dublin, east of San Francisco, officials are using part of their $62,000 in settlement cash for a D.A.R.E. program.

D.A.R.E., which stands for Drug Abuse Resistance Education, is a series of classes taught by police officers in schools to encourage students to resist peer pressure and avoid drugs. It was initially developed during the “Just Say No” campaign in the 1980s.

Studies have found inconsistent results from the program and no long-term effects on drug use, leading many researchers to dismiss it as “ineffective.”

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But on its website, D.A.R.E. cites studies since the program was updated in 2009, which found “a positive effect” on fifth graders and “statistically significant reductions” in drinking and smoking about four months after completing the program.

“The D.A.R.E. program when it first came out looks a lot, lot different than what it looks like right now,” said Nate Schmidt, the Dublin police chief.

Schmidt said additional settlement money will be used to distribute naloxone to residents and stock it at schools and city facilities.

Other local governments in California spent modest sums on a wide range of addiction-related measures. Ukiah, in Mendocino County, north of San Francisco, spent $11,000 for a new heating and air conditioning system for a local drug treatment center. Orange and San Mateo counties spent settlement funds in part on medication-assisted treatment for people incarcerated in their jails. The city of Oceanside spent $16,000 to showcase drug prevention art and made by middle school students in local movie theaters, in public spaces, and on buses and taxis.

The Department of Health Care Services said it plans to release a statewide report on how the funds were spent, as well as the individual city and county reports, by year's end.

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This article was produced by KFF Health News, a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF — the independent source for health policy research, polling, and journalism. 

——————————
By: Aneri Pattani and Don Thompson
Title: Lifesaving Drugs and Police Projects Mark First Use of Opioid Settlement Cash in California
Sourced From: kffhealthnews.org//article/drugs-police-projects-first-california-opioid-settlement-spending/
Published Date: Fri, 12 Jul 2024 09:00:00 +0000

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Kaiser Health News

KFF Health News’ ‘What the Health?’: GOP Platform Muddies Abortion Waters

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Thu, 11 Jul 2024 20:00:00 +0000

The Host

Julie Rovner
KFF


@jrovner


Read Julie's stories.

Julie Rovner is chief Washington correspondent and host of KFF ' weekly health policy news , “What the Health?” A noted expert on health policy issues, Julie is the author of the critically praised reference book “Health Care Politics and Policy A to Z,” now in its third edition.

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Republicans released a draft party platform in advance of the GOP national convention next week, and while it is being described as softening the party's stance opposing abortion, support from major groups that oppose abortion suggests that claim may be something of a mirage.

Meanwhile, the Federal Trade Commission is taking on the pharmacy benefits management industry as it prepares to file suit charging that the largest PBMs engage in anticompetitive behavior that raises patients' drug costs.

This week's panelists are Julie Rovner of KFF Health News, Jessie Hellmann of CQ Roll Call, Shefali Luthra of The 19th News, and Sandhya Raman of CQ Roll Call.

Panelists

Jessie Hellmann
CQ Roll Call


@jessiehellmann

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Read Jessie's stories.

Shefali Luthra
The 19th


@shefalil


Read Shefali's stories.

Sandhya Raman
CQ Roll Call

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@SandhyaWrites


Read Sandhya's stories.

Among the takeaways from this week's episode:

  • For the first time in decades, the GOP presidential platform will not include a call for a national abortion ban. But Republicans are hardly soft-pedaling the issue: The new platform effectively asserts that abortion violates the 14th Amendment, which guarantees equal protection under the law for all citizens — including, under their reading, human embryos. Under that argument, abortion opponents may already have the constitutional justification they need to defend in court further restrictions on the procedure.
  • Lawmakers in Washington are making early progress on government spending bills, including for the Department of Health and Human Services. Some political issues, like access to gender-affirming care for service members and minors, are creating wrinkles. Congress will likely need to pass a stopgap spending measure to avoid a government shutdown this fall.
  • And a new report from the Federal Trade Commission illuminates the sweeping control of a handful of pharmacy benefits managers over most of the nation's prescription drugs. As the government eyes lawsuits against some of the major PBMs alleging anticompetitive behavior, the findings bolster the case that PBMs are inflating drug prices.

Also this week, Rovner interviews Jennifer Klein, director of the White House Gender Policy Council, about the Biden administration's policies to ensure access to reproductive health care.

Plus, for “extra credit” the panelists suggest health policy stories they read this week that they think you should read, too:

Julie Rovner: STAT News' “Troubled For-Profit Chains Are Stealthily Operating Dozens of Psychiatric Hospitals Under Nonprofits' Names,” by Tara Bannow.

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Jessie Hellmann: North Carolina Health News' “N.C. House Wants to Spend Opioid Money on Multiple Abstinence-Based Recovery Centers, While Experts Stress Access to Medication,” by Grace Vitaglione.

Shefali Luthra: The Washington Post's “These GOP Women Begged the Party to Abandon Abortion. Then Came Backlash,” by Caroline Kitchener.

Sandhya Raman: Roll Call's “For at Least One Abortion Clinic, Dobbs Eased Stressors,” by Sandhya Raman.

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Francis Ying
Audio producer

Emmarie Huetteman
Editor

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To hear all our click here.

And subscribe to KFF Health News' “What the Health?” on SpotifyApple PodcastsPocket Casts, or wherever you listen to podcasts.

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Title: KFF Health News' ‘What the Health?': GOP Platform Muddies Abortion Waters
Sourced From: kffhealthnews.org/news/podcast/what-the-health-355-gop-platform-abortion-gender-july-11-2024/
Published Date: Thu, 11 Jul 2024 20:00:00 +0000

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Colorado Dropped Medicaid Enrollees as Red States Have, Alarming Advocates for the Poor

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Rae Ellen Bichell
Thu, 11 Jul 2024 09:00:00 +0000

Colorado stands out among the 10 states that have disenrolled the highest share of Medicaid beneficiaries since the U.S. government lifted a pandemic-era restriction on removing people from the insurance program.

It's the only blue state in a cluster of red states with high disenrollment rates — a group that includes Idaho, Montana, Texas, and Utah — in the Medicaid “unwinding” underway since spring 2023.

Colorado also is the only state that had all the policy ingredients in place to cushion the fallout from the unwinding, according to Medicaid policy analysts at KFF.

But it seems the cushion hasn't been deployed.

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“There's really a divide in Colorado between our progressive policies and our underfunded and fragmented administration,” said Bethany Pray, chief legal and policy officer at the Colorado Center on Law and Policy, a Denver-based legal aid group.

According to KFF data, during the unwinding Colorado has seen a bigger net drop in enrollment in Medicaid and the Children's Health Insurance Program than any state except Utah.

Advocates for health care access, researchers, and county administrators — the administrators handling the bulk of the Medicaid redeterminations in Colorado — say that the major issues involve outdated technology and low rates of automatic renewals. Both create obstacles to enrollment that undercut the state's progressive policies.

State officials have a rosier view. They say the drop in enrollment is a sign that they did a good job enrolling people at the height of the covid-19 pandemic. Secondly, they say Colorado's economy is doing well, so more people can get insurance through their jobs.

“When we have a really stellar unemployment rate, not as many people need safety-net programs, and we're proud of that. Our people are rising and thriving,” said Kim Bimestefer, who leads the Department of Health Care Policy and Financing and is the state's top Medicaid official. Her department has also said that some people choose not to fill out their eligibility paperwork because they know their incomes are too high to qualify.

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Bureau of Labor Statistics data shows that while it's true Colorado's unemployment rate is lower than the nation's as a whole, it's higher than it was before the pandemic.

State officials say they believe Medicaid enrollments dropped because many of those people found jobs, as reflected by the lower unemployment rates. But that scenario happened in fewer than half of the state's counties, a KFF Health analysis found. Notably, in 11 counties where unemployment stagnated or increased from January 2020 to April 2024, the share of the population covered by Medicaid shrank. A low unemployment rate does not necessarily mean there is less of a need for Medicaid coverage, because many employed people earn wages low enough to still qualify for the program.

Colorado increased enrollment in Medicaid and the related Children's Health Insurance Program by 35% during the covid public health emergency, compared with about 30% nationally and among Medicaid expansion states.

“We grew more, which means, logically, we're going to disenroll more,” said Bimestefer.“We went up higher, we're going to come down lower, because our economy is stellar.”

Her department's website initially claimed Colorado's Medicaid enrollment grew more than any other Medicaid expansion state except Hawaii. But data from the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services shows pandemic enrollment growth in other states, including Indiana, North Dakota, Virginia, and Nevada, also exceeded that of Colorado.

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Even if it had grown the most, the argument that what comes up must come down doesn't hold water, Medicaid policy analysts said.

“A counterargument to that is we know that there was never a full participation in Medicaid prior to the pandemic,” said Jennifer Tolbert, deputy director of the KFF Program on Medicaid and the Uninsured.

Tolbert said she was surprised by the extent of Colorado's Medicaid enrollment losses, given it was the one state in the nation that met all the criteria that KFF expected would cushion the effects of the unwinding. Those policies include adopting the Affordable Care Act's Medicaid expansion and the automatic processing of renewals.

Tolbert was among several policy researchers who said that even if unemployment returned to pre-pandemic levels, they would expect a higher, not lower, share of Coloradans to be enrolled in safety-net coverage.

Ally Sullivan, a spokesperson for Gov. Jared Polis, a Democrat, said one complicating factor in Colorado's system is that it's among the handful of states where most of the eligibility verification work falls on counties, “which added complexity to the state's unwind process.”

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“Colorado is committed to ensuring that Coloradans who no longer qualify for Medicaid coverage are connected to other affordable sources of coverage as soon as possible, and the state is going to great lengths to do so,” the statement said.

Minnesota is another state where verifying eligibility is largely left to the counties. Yet it disenrolled just 26% of its Medicaid population in the unwinding, compared with Colorado's 48%. Like Colorado, Minnesota is led by a Democratic governor. Minnesota also mirrors Colorado in its population, pandemic-era increase in enrollment, the percentage of its residents living in prosperous areas, and its better-than-national unemployment rate. But Bimestefer dismissed any comparison.

“I don't care about Minnesota,” Bimestefer said. “This is Colorado. I don't care what Minnesota did.”

Advocates for health care access and researchers said a cluster of technological and administrative issues have contributed to Colorado's high disenrollment rate.

First, Colorado's eligibility database, the Colorado Benefits Management System, is outdated and clunky, according to people who use it or are familiar with systems in other states.

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“It's like still using the old flip phone where you're trying to play Snake,” said Sarah Grusin, an attorney at the National Health Law Program. “We have better stuff.”

Grusin and Pray's organizations filed a civil rights complaint with several federal agencies saying that the system issues that terminated disabled Coloradans' coverage amounted to discrimination.

“It took many months to fix something that doesn't sound that complicated,” Pray said.

Bimestefer said her department is working on a plan to improve the system, which is managed by Deloitte under a $354.4 million contract that lasts until 2027. A recent KFF Health News investigation of eligibility systems managed by Deloitte found widespread problems. In Colorado, a state-commissioned audit in 2020 found that many Medicaid beneficiaries were sent incorrect notices and deadlines.

Kenneth Smith, a Deloitte executive who leads its national human services division, said that Deloitte is one player among many who together administer Medicaid benefits, and that the states own the technology and make the decisions about their implementation.

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Colorado's technology woes have also weakened its ability to use a powerful tool in enrollment: automatic renewal.

Last fall, Bimestefer said, her agency had to choose between fixing the system so that it would stop disenrolling children who shouldn't lose coverage, or start automatically renewing people with no income or with income below the federal poverty level. It couldn't do both, she said.

Experts such as Tricia Brooks, a research professor with the Center for Children and Families at Georgetown University, said it's especially important to increase automatic renewals in states like Colorado where most of the renewal work falls on county government staff.

“What happens when you're not getting a high rate of automated renewals? You're sending out those renewal forms,” Brooks said — meaning more disenrollments. “They didn't get the mail. The notice was confusing. They tried to get help through the call center. The list goes on as to why people don't renew.”

Indeed, two-thirds of disenrolled Coloradans lost coverage for procedural reasons. That's in line with the national average, according to KFF. But paired with Colorado having disenrolled so many people overall, that means more than 500,000 Coloradans, or about 9% of the state's people, were disenrolled for procedural reasons — more than the population of its second-largest city, Colorado Springs.

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At least a third of those disenrolled were later determined to be eligible for Medicaid.

Officials at Colorado community health centers and mental health centers say they're seeing a rise in uninsured patients coming through their doors — a sign, they say, that Coloradans dropped from Medicaid aren't necessarily moving on to greener health insurance pastures.

Fifty-eight percent of those who were disenrolled have returned to Medicaid, or now have another form of insurance. But the state doesn't yet know what happened to the remaining 42% of people who were dropped and said it would conduct a survey to find out.

——————————
By: Rae Ellen Bichell
Title: Colorado Dropped Medicaid Enrollees as Red States Have, Alarming Advocates for the Poor
Sourced From: kffhealthnews.org/news/article/colorado-medicaid-unwinding-blue-red-states/
Published Date: Thu, 11 Jul 2024 09:00:00 +0000

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